Mr. Fertig is an economic columnist. This article is condensed from his paper before the meeting of the Mont Pelerin Society in Munich, Germany, September, 1970, being one of several presentations concerning the image of the entrepreneur in various countries.
It is axiomatic that a nation which hopes to substantially improve its standard of living and maximize economic growth must provide maximum freedom for the entrepreneur. For it is the entrepreneur who makes decisions about the use of capital and directs his ideas and energies toward meeting the most urgent demands of the consumer. Upon his efficiency depend the creation of profits and the accumulation of capital so essential to increasing the goods and services available for the citizens of any country.
If the American public clearly understood this concept, the restrictions and impediments placed on the operations of the entrepreneur in the United States would never have been initiated. In this paper I shall try to describe the public image of the entrepreneur, suggest some reasons why the American public has a distorted view of the entrepreneurial function, and discuss some of the effects of this distortion upon the economy of the United States.
According to entrepreneurial theory as developed by Mises and Knight, there would be no profits and no capital accumulation in a static society.’ A changing society is necessary in order to provide opportunity for the entrepreneur’s judgment and talents. Wherever the future is uncertain, the abilities of the entrepreneur come into play. Uncertainty is the basis of the risks he takes. It is his perceptions, judgment and estimates about the future which permit him possibly to make a profit and accumulate capital.
According to the above theory, practically everyone is an entrepreneur who employs the factors of production toward fulfilling the needs of the citizens. Some do so efficiently and gain a profit, and some inefficiently and incur a loss. This applies equally to large corporate organizations, small companies, and individuals in their business activity.
Plainly, encouragement of the free market and the absence of strangling restrictions provide the most fertile ground for entrepreneurial skills. This is the basis of a nation’s progress. It makes possible increased capital formation, the most efficient use of capital, and the greatest possible increase in the living conditions of all citizens.
Function vs. Image of the Entrepreneur
But unfortunately the function of the entrepreneur, as defined by leading neoclassical economists, is hardly the image of the entrepreneur in the mind of the man in the street. Perhaps we can clarify this subject by restating the basic question as follows: What do most American citizens think about profits and those who are engaged in making profits? The answer to that question would give us the key to the image of the entrepreneur.
Under our representative form of government, what citizens think about profits and private enterprise has a way of becoming law about this subject.
There are a number of pieces of evidence which bear on the image of the entrepreneur and can lead us to some valid conclusions. The evidence runs along the following lines:
1. Sporadic opinion polls on profits and the entrepreneur.
2. Laws affecting the entrepreneur which are passed in Congress, including revision of the tax structure.
3. The nature of concepts and ideas which prevail in institutions of higher learning in the U. S. The student of today becomes teacher, editor, community leader, and legislator of tomorrow. What he is taught in college becomes of vital importance to the function of the entrepreneur.
4. Books, articles, and speeches by leading intellectual figures which have a decided effect on the thinking of the typical citizen and on the restraints he is willing to enforce upon enterprise and profit.
5. Entrepreneurial decisions by the man in the street—as opposed to general ideas which he may express—and which can give us a clue as to how he feels about some aspects of profits and free enterprise.
Opinion Polls on the Entrepreneur
Practically all surveys of public opinion reveal that the American public accepts the idea of profits as a necessary part of our business system.2 But they also reveal that more than half the public is always of the opinion that profits are "too high" and that the public is misinformed on the relative magnitude of wages, profits, and the like. There is a general impression that the workers do not fairly share the wealth which they help to create. For instance, polls show that a great majority of the public believes that the larger share of productivity increases always goes to stockholders in the form of profits. These opinions are especially strong among many professional people—school teachers, ministers, and others.3 While these surveys do not constitute conclusive evidence, their findings reveal a blurred image of the entrepreneur in the public mind, to say the least.
Favoring the Small Entrepreneur—Penalizing the Big Company
It is important to note one central fact about the image of the entrepreneur which invariably emerges from the evidence at hand. While the typical citizen considers himself to be rather favorable in a general way to private enterprise and profits, he does not think of small companies in the same category as big business. The man in the street knows little or nothing of the function of the entrepreneur as defined by neoclassical economists. He regards the corner grocery store, the hamburger stand, and the recently formed small manufacturer in quite a different light from U.S. Steel, General Motors, DuPont, and the like. Furthermore, he tends to think of an entrepreneur as someone who undertakes a new venture, not as an individual or group who must make important judgments every day in the conduct of some vast company like DuPont or General Motors.
Of course, he may be willing to concede that some phases of large business activity require entrepreneurial skills, such as promoting new inventions by General Electric, new techniques of producing steel, newly discovered drugs, and so forth. But in the main he conceives of the entrepreneur as a small or medium-size business which is engaged in some new creative effort. This concept of entrepreneurship is reflected in the kind of legislation by Congress which he approves.
Such legislation, for instance, authorized setting up a Small Business Administration (SBA) "to aid the little fellow." The perilous state of small business is often due to the backbreaking load of taxes, work restrictions enforced by labor unions, minimum wage laws which prevent the hiring of needed help, and so forth. Having burdened small business with these restrictions, the government then pursues the usual course of creating new interventions in an attempt to redress the evils which it created by former intervention. We must contrast this government solicitude for the small and medium-size business with the numerous attacks and harassments on big corporations.
Taxes and the Entrepreneur
We gain further insight into the typical citizen’s view of the entrepreneur by analyzing tax legislation which he and his representatives in Congress favor. These tax schedules generally tend to restrict entrepreneurial effort and capital accumulation. This is indeed a curious fact at the present time because there is urgent necessity for greater entrepreneurial effort and more capital in order to meet the needs of industry, states, and municipalities. Whether the problem is antipollution, housing, educational facilities, or transportation, the need is for capital and more capital.
In the face of this need it is strange indeed that a responsible legislature would pass the Tax Reform Act of 1969. The complexity of this bill is in itself detrimental to the conduct of business. But most important of all, its main provisions plainly restrict capital accumulation and enterprise. In substance the Act provides for long-run reductions of over $9 billion a year for individuals (mostly lower and middle income), two-thirds of which will be financed by increase on business and capital accumulation. Provisions of the Act which restrict capital accumulation include less depreciation on most new buildings, heavier taxes on producers of natural resources, and smaller loss reserves for financial institutions.
The Act raises the amount of personal income exempt from taxation, thus in effect lowering the tax rates for the low and middle income groups. On the other hand, it increases the tax rate for individuals with annual incomes of $100,000 or more. At the same time the Act repeals the tax credit for investment by corporations which had acted as an incentive for modernizing and expanding production facilities.
One other provision of the new tax law affecting entrepreneurship requires mention. On the personal income tax form there is a provision for "earned income" in one column, and "other income" in another column. The maximum tax on "earned" income will be only 50 per cent, for "other" income 70 per cent. This is one short step from adopting the idea of earned and unearned income—which is obviously a Marxian inheritance. Aside from this basic theoretical implication, the provision on the tax form which separates earned income from that derived from interest, dividends, royalties, and the like, is a clear indication of the tendency to underrate entrepreneurial freedom and the necessity of capital accumulation.
The above provisions (and many more) are undoubtedly a reflection of the attitude of Congress and the people that capital accumulation is not all-important and that large-scale entrepreneurs must be assessed at a higher rate than others.
The Intellectuals’ Attack on Large-Scale Entrepreneurs
The public confusion about the nature of the entrepreneur is encouraged by socialistically oriented intellectuals. The general direction of their attack is to castigate the large corporations, to undermine confidence in established companies, and in fact to question the very basis of the free enterprise system. The free market, encouragement of the entrepreneur, and the importance of profits in private enterprise, are generally derided. Ideas advanced by these writers and teachers are the basis for editorials, special articles in magazines, and political campaigns. They become part of the intellectual framework of college students and most of those engaged in formulating social, political, and economic ideas.
Clear evidence of this may be seen in the predominance of textbooks which are anticapitalist at worst, and equalitarian and interventionist at best. A generation of college students have been brought up on the following texts: Economic Analysis and Public Policy by Bowman and Bach; The Elements of Economics by Lorie Tarshis; Income and Employment by Theodore Morgan, and most important of all, Economics: An Introductory Analysis by Paul Samuelson. The last-mentioned text has sold several million copies. It is no exaggeration to say that the vast majority of students who assimilated the ideas in these texts completed their education with a very low tolerance for free-market economics and freedom for the entrepreneur. A great number of students were influenced to become absolutely hostile to the free-enterprise system. Undoubtedly a whole generation of opinion-makers were conditioned by these texts.
A nation like the United States which has been nurtured over the years on attacks against the entrepreneur, varying from the scholarly works of Thorstein Veblen to popular books and articles typified by such works as The Robber Barons by Matthew Josephson, The Rich and the Super-Rich and The Sixty Families by Ferdinand Lundberg—such a nation is naturally influenced against the entrepreneur.
Within the past few years there has appeared a book unsympathetic and even hostile to the market economy which has had an important influence on teachers, editors, and other molders of public opinion. This is John Galbraith’s The Industrial State. Here he strikes directly at big business and the idea of consumer sovereignty.
Schumpeter’s Contribution
No discussion of the Intellectual and the Entrepreneur can be considered complete without referring to the brilliant analysis of Joseph A. Schumpeter in his book Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, published nearly a generation ago. The influence of the intellectual who, Schumpeter says, "wields the power of the spoken and written word," is central to his thesis. We now clearly see the truth of his statement that "the role of the intellectual group consists primarily in stimulating, energizing, verbalizing and organizing this [anticapitalist] material." Furthermore, "they staff political bureaus, write party pamphlets and speeches, act as secretaries and advisers, make the individual politician’s newspaper reputation," and so forth. The point is, according to Schumpeter, that "unlike any other type of society, capitalism inevitably and by virtue of the very logic of its civilization, creates, educates, and subsidizes a vested interest in social unrest. This social unrest is stirred by the sociology of the intellectuals."
It must be noted that not all textbooks and all teaching in American colleges is interventionist or collectivist. In recent years, it is heartening to note, many free-market advocates have established small enclaves in various institutions of learning, and in some cases have written textbooks for college courses. While these ideas are undoubtedly becoming more widespread, there is little doubt that the preponderance of teaching and writing by intellectuals of the United States leans heavily toward intervention and restrictions of the entrepreneur.
It is interesting and perhaps hopeful to note that interventionists and left-wing intellectuals do not have, and never have had, mass support in the United States for a broad-scale political attack upon free enterprise. The intellectual left can nibble away at the profit system, but it does not seem able to form a political base for a frontal attack. Furthermore, the incentive system is so powerful that it has been able to absorb the harassments and attacks made upon it while still maintaining its strength to build a large capital base and to provide the most productive industrial society in the world.
The Man in the Street as Entrepreneur
It must not be assumed that the average citizen is antagonistic to all entrepreneurial effort and free enterprise. In fact, in a general way he approves it, and by his actions indicates that he would like to become an important entrepreneur himself. Evidence of this is at hand in the investment activities of the typical citizen—how he handles the cash savings which he has accumulated.
Today there are at least 25 million individual owners of equities in the United States. This is approximately 12 per cent of the entire population and about 25 per cent of the adult population. But to this substantial number must be added the millions who invest through mutual funds. The volume of mutual fund investment has grown to over $48 billion—having recorded an accumulation of more than $7 billion in the year 1969. Of course there are duplications among individual investors and mutual fund investors, but taken all in all, the growth of investment by the typical citizen has been phenomenal in the past five or ten years.
Inflation—and the Image of the Entrepreneur
Although the man in the street would assert that he is quite favorable to the general idea of free enterprise and encouragement to profit making, his tolerance for adverse economic conditions is quite low. Whenever conditions become difficult and he feels frustrated with shrinking income and rising costs, his tendency is to opt for government intervention in the economic process. This invariably occurs during a period of substantial monetary inflation, such as we have had in the past few years. Economists, of course, are familiar with the time lag that takes place between changes in monetary policy and changes in the rate of inflationary price increases. But the average citizen does not understand this, and he becomes restless under the pounding he takes during an inflation. Then he demands government intervention at any cost. Under such conditions successful operations of the entrepreneur are impeded.
But it must not be imagined that only consumers run to Washington during periods of inflation. Heads of leading corporations also engage in an unseemly rush to Washington to apply pressure for price and wage controls. Inflation is dangerous for many reasons, especially because it tends to create pressure for government intervention and wage-price control. To encourage a favorable climate for the entrepreneurial effort it is essential to control inflation.
Labor Unions and the Entrepreneur
A discussion of the entrepreneur in the United States should not be concluded without some mention of the effects of labor unions on entrepreneurial activities. Beyond question the rigidity of unions’ rules and practices, the restrictions upon entrepreneurial decisions, are an important deterrent. Human nature being what it is, some people are able to operate efficiently despite all the obstructions in their way. It certainly cannot be asserted that unionization and monopoly practices by unions have operated to prevent capital accumulation in the United States. The record since 1936, when powerful unions were given monopoly privileges under the law, tends to confirm the fact that entrepreneurs have been able to demonstrate their dynamism and to create a fabulously productive society despite all obstacles.
But conversely, there is little question that the present laws and the practices of unions are a decided drag on entrepreneurial activity.
Also it should be pointed out that powerful unions have the ability to demand and get uneconomic wage increases which act as a force for encouraging monetary inflation by the administration in power.
If labor demands and gets increases of, say, 8 to 10 per cent per annum, and if the Administration holds to a policy of a very limited increase in the money supply, the result would be increased unemployment unless wage increases are offset by productivity increases, which is highly improbable.
Thus, the effect of labor union power is to create a condition which could lead—and generally does—to a new cycle of inflation. Since Washington is sensitive to fears of recession, the tendency is to validate excessive wage increases by excessively increasing the money supply. The old inflation is barely curbed before a new one starts. So the nation goes from one inflationary plateau to another, due to the inexorable pressure of monopoly labor unions.
Conclusion
The image of the entrepreneur in the mind of the American public corresponds only vaguely to the function of the entrepreneur as defined by economists. The public believes that the entrepreneur is an innovator or promoter of something new, and generally is a small business. The fact is that big business and small, innovators and traditional businesses, all are entrepreneurs because they are seeking to make a profit. The basic question, then, is: What does the American public think of profits and profit-making?
I have outlined briefly some of the hard evidence on which we might base a valid conclusion—public opinion polls, the Acts of Congress supported by the public, the climate of opinion among those who teach in the colleges and those who write for the general public, investment attitudes of the public, and so on. Substantially, this evidence indicates that the man in the street has a rather ambivalent attitude toward the entrepreneur and the vital importance of capital accumulation.
On the negative side is the growth of restrictions on entrepreneurial activity. A major influence along these lines has been the teaching and writing of left-wing intellectuals who favor intervention. Inflation also gives a tremendous impetus to restrictive measures. Curbing inflation is essential to perpetuate a healthy free-market system.
On the more hopeful side is the fact that the intellectual left does not have, and never has had, mass support in the United States for a broad-scale political attack on free enterprise. Also, the investment activities of more than 25 million citizens indicate their desire to participate in entrepreneurial activity.
While the progress of interventionist measures may give a feeling of hopelessness at times, it must be realized that the profit system is so powerful that it has, nevertheless, accomplished miracles of capital accumulation and production. It bears the heavy burden of interventionism remarkably well.
Finally, it must be noted, there is a heartening increase of activity by free-market advocates in the academy and in journalism and in politics.
There are fashions in political and economic thinking; and the fashion of the past generation may be altered through education of the American public.
—FOOTNOTES—
1 Frank H. Knight, Risk, Uncertainty and Profit (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1921), p. 36:
"No a priori argument is necessary to prove with general foreknowledge of progressive changes, no losses and no chance to make profits will arise. This is necessary to provide opportunity for the enterpreneur’s judgment and talents. Wherever the future is uncertain, the abilities of the entrepreneur come into play. Uncertainty is the basis of the risks he takes. It is his perception, estimates, and judgment about the future which permit him possibly to make a profit and accumulate capital.
According to the above theory, practically everyone is an entrepreneur who employs the factors of production toward fulfilling the needs of the citizens. Some do so the first principle of speculation and is particularly familiar in the capitalization of the anticipated increase in the value of land."
Ludwig von Mises, Planning for Freedom (South Holland, Ill.: Libertarian Press, 1952), pp. 119-120:
"Profits are never normal. They vary only where there is a maladjustment, a divergence between actual production and production as it should be in order to utilize the available material and mental resources for the best possible satisfaction of the wishes of the public. They are the price of those who remove this maladjustment that disappear as soon as the maladjustment is entirely removed. In the imaginary construction of an evenly rotating economy there are no profits. There the sum of the prices of the complementary factors of production, due allowance being made for time preference, coincide with the price of the product…. It is the entrepreneurial decision that creates either profit or loss. It is mental acts of the mind of the entrepreneur from which profits ultimately originate. Profit is a product of the mind, the success in anticipating the future state of the market.”
2 Claude Robinson, Understanding Profits (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand & Co.), Ch. 2, "What the Public Thinks of Profits," pp. 30, 31, 32, 33.
3 Ibid., p. 29.
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In Retrospect
The entrepreneurs are neither perfect nor good in any metaphysical sense. They owe their position exclusively to the fact that they are better fit for the performance of the functions incumbent upon them than other people are. They earn profit not because they are clever in performing their tasks, but because they are more clever or less clumsy than other people are. They are not infallible and often blunder. But they are less liable to error and blunder less than other people do. Nobody has the right to take offense at the errors made by the entrepreneurs in the conduct of affairs and to stress the point that people would have been better supplied if the entrepreneurs had been more skillful and prescient. If the grumbler knew better, why did he not himself fill the gap and seize the opportunity to earn profits? It is easy indeed to display foresight after the event. In retrospect all fools become wise.
LUDWIG VON MISES, Profit and Loss